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Forgery, Fraud, and Failed Projects: Enugu PDP Tears Into Governor Peter Mbah’s Legacy

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As I reflect on the political development in Enugu, I can’t help but breathe a sigh of relief that the maladministration of Peter Mbah is gradually coming to an abrupt end. His tenancy at the lion building has been marked by a plethora of scandals and misdeeds that tainted our once respected state. In fact, the manner of his departure will underscore the gravity of his transgressions.

Mbah represents the very embodiment of what is wrong with politics in Nigeria, lofty promises dressed in forged credentials, corruption tied with ribbons of deceit, and a brazen commitment to personal enrichment at the expense of a people yearning for genuine leadership. Mbah’s NYSC discharge certificate, submitted to INEC, bore the date January 6, 2003. A simple document, or so it seemed. NYSC disclaimed it publicly. “We never issued this,” their director declared in court affidavits, tendering records showing Mbah had mobilized for service in 2001 but vanished midway for law school and his chief-of-staff gig. No completion, no exemption letter just a forged slip of paper, allegedly backdated and stamped with a ghost’s approval. Mbah himself had once begged the Inspector General to probe the certificate’s authenticity, only for the force to conclude it was fake.

Mbah’s political career was built on a foundation of forgery and corruption. He rose to prominence alongside Senator Chimaroke Nnamani, with whom he formed a questionable partnership. Their bond was forged in the fires of graft, and Enugu suffered as a result. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had hounded Peter since his days as Commissioner of Finance under the iron-fisted Chimaroke Nnamani.

In 2007, Mbah’s name surfaced in a money laundering probe: N830 million siphoned from state contracts, funneled through his oil company, Pinnacle Oil and Gas. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) indicted him on 29 counts of forgery, money laundering, and obtaining money by false pretenses. He entered a plea bargain that saw charges dropped after he forfeited assets worth over ₦450 million.

But the looting didn’t stop with Nnamani’s exit. As governor, Mbah inherited the throne and crowned it with fresh scandals. The Enugu Smart Schools project, his flagship promise of “digital revolution” for the youth, became a monument to hubris. Launched with fanfare in 2024, the N5.7 billion initiative awarded to Sujimoto Luxury Construction, a flashy Lagos firm with ties to Abuja power brokers aimed to build tech havens across the 17 local governments. Solar panels, interactive boards, AI tutors: a Silicon Valley dream in the Coal City. Yet by mid-2025, the dream collapsed literally.

In Mpu Ward, a N1.3 billion structure, barely six months old, buckled under its own weight, walls cracking like eggshells, trapping a janitor who escaped with his life but lost his faith in government. Substandard materials, rushed contracts, kickbacks funneled back to Mbah’s allies: Chika uncovered emails from Sujimoto execs pleading for payment delays, only to be ghosted as funds vanished into “consultancy fees.”

Another site in Isi-Uzo was demolished by the state itself in July, the governor’s team blaming “sabotage” while locals whispered of embezzlement. In her story, Chika imagined the schools as hollow shells, ghosts of opportunity haunting empty classrooms, where children learned not code, but the bitter lesson of betrayal.

The smart school project that was loudly advertised as a leap into the digital future now stands as one of the most embarrassing failures of his tenure. Billions were trumpeted as investments into an educational revolution; yet, when one visits the so-called “smart schools,” what greets you is decay, incompletion, and in some cases, structures that exist only in PowerPoint presentations.

And then came the mother of all scandals: the looting and siphoning of Enugu State’s coffers to fatten his private oil business, Pinnacle Oil. This, more than any other revelation, tore the mask off Mbah’s pretenses. It was alleged that Peter Mbah brazenly moved ₦40 billion of the people’s money into his own business empire a staggering act of kleptocracy.

Under Peter Mbah’s watch, Enugu’s roads cracked under monsoon rains, fresh scandals erupted. billions of naira contract for the New Enugu City Mall went to Sujimoto, a Lagos firm whose CEO, Sujimoto Ogundele, admitted zero experience in such mega projects. No bidding, no transparency, just a handshake deal, whispers said, laced with kickbacks funneled back to Mbah’s inner circle.

“He conned us with fake water schemes,” fumed locals in Nsude, where a €45 million Paris Club water grant meant for reservoirs at Anugwu Amagu vanished into Bluetag Technologies’ coffers, leaving pipes dry and auditors indignant. Over ₦84 million unaccounted for, petitions flew to the Auditor-General, who indicted the state for “mismanagement and corrupt practices.”

Worse, the Enugu State College of Education Technical (ESCET) became a powder keg. Reports surfaced of ghost recruitments bloating payrolls, subventions ballooning from ₦200 million to ₦500 million monthly without justification. Mbah, cornered, struck a probe committee in October 2023, chaired by his education commissioner. “We will dig deep,” he vowed. But skeptics saw theater: the committee’s report, buried in bureaucracy, recommended “appropriate measures” that never materialized. Hotel Presidential’s ₦50 billion “renovation” followed suit uncompleted wings commissioned amid fanfare, funds allegedly siphoned to overseas accounts.

His legacy is not a legacy of roads, schools, or hospitals. It is a legacy of petitions, court cases, and growing distrust of government in Enugu. Whenever I think of him, I do not see a governor; I see an interloper who schemed his way into office with forged papers, looted with reckless abandon, and then expected history to treat him kindly.

Nigeria is about the power blocs that sustain individuals. Mbah was never a freestanding leader, and now that his sponsors have largely deserted him, his nakedness has been exposed. The PDP, which once embraced him, now views him as damaged goods. The APC, equally wary, understands that associating with him would poison their platform in Enugu. The reality is simple: Peter Mbah cannot secure a second-term ticket from either PDP or APC because he is politically orphaned. Without his godfathers, he is like a man stranded in the desert, searching desperately for an oasis that does not exist.

As an indigene of Enugu, watching this charade unfold has been painful but also enlightening. Painful, because it has cost us precious years of progress, leaving our youths disillusioned and our infrastructure in tatters. The future of Enugu cannot and must not be wasted again on men like Mbah, who confuse governance with personal business expansion and mistake leadership for an opportunity to loot the commonwealth.

As we move forward, let us remember the lessons learned from this period of alleged misrule. Let us resolve to elect leaders who will serve with honor, integrity, and a genuine commitment to the welfare of Enugu. The time for excuses is over. The time for reckoning is now. We deserve better, and we must actively work to achieve it. Thank God he has gone to where he belongs. Good rediance to bad rubbish.

©️ Nwobodo Chukwudi Darlington

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I’m a die-hard democrat – Tinubu

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PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu on Wednesday branded himself a “die-hard democrat,” urging Nigerian politicians across party lines to embrace true democratic principles and submit to the rule of law—no matter the personal or political cost.

Speaking at an interfaith breakfast hosted for All Progressives Congress (APC) executives, National Working Committee (NWC) members, and the Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) at the State House, Tinubu highlighted his decades-long democratic credentials, from detention and exile to co-founding the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO).

“We are all democrats and we all subscribed to this democracy voluntarily, willingly, and we’ve been at it selflessly in the last 26 years. Some of us have the bruises from it, struggling for it. We went to detention, we protested… We went on exile and all of that. We formed NADECO. We got here,” Tinubu told the gathering.

He framed his commitment as a lifelong philosophy tied to national unity. “I followed the leadership destiny that God has done and chosen for me, there’s no doubt about that. I’m a die-hard democrat, and I follow that belief wholeheartedly, committedly, to a united country; Nigeria. That principle and that philosophy will live and die with me” he stated.

Addressing IPAC National Chairman Yusuf Dantalle directly, Tinubu insisted party affiliation remains voluntary, even under pressure.

“We are all democrats, voluntarily, party alliances, party ideologies or no ideology, party boat, party platform, in whichever form, it’s voluntary. Be persecuted for it. So no threat from any democrat,” he said.

The remarks come amid backlash over the Electoral Act amendments, which Tinubu signed into law on February 18 following overwhelming National Assembly approval.

Critics from opposition parties and civil society highlight provisions like optional electronic result transmission, new party membership register rules, direct or consensus primaries (abolishing delegate voting), a 21-day pre-primary submission deadline for digital registers, and limits on court interventions in electoral processes.

Tinubu defended the rule of law as democracy’s core. “The Rule of Law must prevail in any democracy. Yes, Rule of Law. Majority will have their say and their way, and minority will have their say and might not have their way. That is the sweetness, the essence of democracy,” he asserted.

He called for intellectual debate over confrontation: “Argue it, debate it intellectually, interrogate each other, honestly and sincerely, but we are committed to the same thing, peace and stability of the country, and we adhere to it.”

On signing the Act, Tinubu addressed IPAC concerns head-on. “That I signed the Electoral Act, I have no choice. I don’t want to throw the country into turmoil of argument… there is an overwhelming majority by the National Assembly that passed the law. If I had serious question or reservation about it, I would have raised it. But I have none, I submitted myself to the principle of Rule of Law, democracy. I signed, the rest is history. We’ll meet at the polls,” he stated flatly.

Recalling his opposition days, he added restraint was key—except against military rule. “I’m a registered voter. I’m on the same platform with you, or not, I’m going to stick to my platform. When it was against me years past, I toed the line.”

Earlier, Dantalle hailed Tinubu as a “listening father and an inclusive president” but flagged Act flaws.

He noted IPAC’s quiet work with INEC to avert 2023 election chaos and appealed for tweaks: easing the 21-day membership register deadline with National Identification Numbers (to avoid disenfranchisement), restoring indirect primaries for smaller parties, and reinstating government subventions for party administration.

“We are not saying give us money to go and spend, no, but prudently what we can use to take care of administration of our political parties. You are a product of multi-party democracy, Your Excellency,” Dantalle pleaded.

He also sought federal help to relocate IPAC from its rented space, citing buried crises to aid governance.

Tinubu closed on a firm yet conciliatory note. “The game is sweet only when you are winning. It’s alright we must accommodate one another, we must help one another. We must strengthen the platform. But democracy is it? Yes, there must be peace, stability and commitment to Rule of Law,” he observed.

 

 

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Protesters storm Body of Benchers, express outrage over inaction on deputy speaker’s case

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The integrity of Nigeria’s legal regulatory framework came under intense scrutiny on Wednesday as protesters under the aegis of the Civil Society Groups for Good Governance CSGGG formally passed a vote of no confidence in the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee LPDC.

The group’s decision followed what it described as a “continued failure, refusal and neglect” by the committee to act on a petition involving the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Benjamin Okezie Kalu.

The controversy centres on petition BB/LPDC/1948/2026, filed on January 20, 2026, by John Aikpokpo Martins, Esq., where he alleged significant inconsistencies regarding Kalu’s National Youth Service Corps NYSC service year and his period of enrollment at the Nigerian Law School’s Enugu Campus.

Members of the coalition who stormed the premises of the Body of Benchers in Abuja, wielded placards with various inscriptions such as “Integrity First; Verify Before You Lead”, “Show Your Certificate, Benjamin Kalu”; “No More Foolery, Submit Your Certificate”; “Transparency Now, Show Your Certificate”; and, “The Law Applies to Everyone Including You”, among others.

CSGGG maintained that these allegations strike at the very root of the Deputy Speaker’s professional standing and the integrity of his admission to the Nigerian Bar.

In a strongly worded letter addressed to the LPDC Chairman, convener of the CSOs, Chief Dominic Ogakwu argued that the committee’s silence suggests that certain individuals may be considered “beyond scrutiny.”

“The Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee exists precisely to safeguard the integrity and credibility of the legal profession. Its responsibilities are not discretionary exercises to be undertaken only when convenient; they are statutory duties imposed by law”, he stated.

The group expressed concern that the lack of transparency in handling a matter involving a high-ranking public official is rapidly eroding public trust in the nation’s disciplinary institutions.

The CSOs warned that continued inaction would force the public to pursue alternative lawful measures, including sustained civic engagement and intensified public advocacy; judicial proceedings to compel the committee to discharge its legal obligations; and, a formal review of the committee’s continued relevance if it is perceived to have outlived its usefulness.

 

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India, others reject Tinubu’s envoys over tenure policy

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India and other yet-to-be disclosed countries have declined to accept some of President Bola Tinubu’s recently posted ambassadors-designate due to diplomatic policies that discourage receiving envoys from administrations with less than two years remaining in office, our correspondent  has gathered.

High-ranking officials in the Presidency and the foreign service disclosed on Tuesday that India, where career diplomat Ambassador Muhammad Dahiru has been designated to serve, maintains a standing policy against accepting ambassadors from governments with tenures of less than two years remaining.

Our correspondent gathered that the Asian giant is exercising its discretionary powers to turn down the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ request to accept Dahiru’s posting.

The development confirms an earlier exclusive report  in February 2026, in which sources revealed that storms were brewing for many of Tinubu’s ambassador-designates who faced the prospect of rejection by host countries due to time constraints on their tenure.

Three separate sources familiar with the matter, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of diplomatic negotiations, said the Federal Government was already receiving signals from New Delhi and possibly other capitals about their reluctance to grant agrément.

Agrément is the formal approval given by a receiving country to accept a diplomat designated by the sending country, and it is a prerequisite before an ambassador can assume duty.

“They don’t accept an ambassador from an administration that has less than two years in office. So they are giving us that body language already,” a Presidency official told our correspondent.

The source continued, “Some countries are reluctant to accept some people, not because of the individuals but because of time. They are already seeing the Tinubu government as an outgoing government.

“So their concern is that he has just one year left, so what if he doesn’t win the election? Another government may come and remove them. We also understand that some countries have this policy. Any ambassador from an administration that has less than a year or two in office will not get accepted. And one of such countries is India.”

A second source, a senior foreign service official, confirmed India’s position but expressed hope that Nigeria could leverage its relationship with New Delhi to secure an exception.

“I know India has that policy. If you are less than two years to the end of the tenure, there will be difficulties accepting an ambassador. Maybe we can leverage our relationship with them to scale through that.

“Of course, there are those among them who gauge political tides, and some may see that this government can win the next election. Perhaps they may see that the election may not be so competitive because virtually everybody has moved towards the APC. They may say the chances for APC’s victory are high. That is one of the arguments the government will push forward,” the official said.

The source emphasised that while India is the only country with a confirmed policy against short-tenure ambassadors, other nations may follow similar conventions.

“India is the only one I can confirm to you for now. The others will be based on their conventions and practices. But the one I know for sure now is India. We will have to do a lot of convincing because they have a standing rule,” the official stated.

A third official disclosed that while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had secured funding for the mandatory induction course for ambassadors-designate, the timeline remains uncertain.

“On the training, we don’t know when for now. But the Foreign Ministry has the funds already to undertake the induction course,” the source said.

President Tinubu, on Friday, March 6, approved the postings of 65 ambassadors-designate and high commissioners to various countries and the United Nations, with Ambassador Dahiru assigned to serve in New Delhi.

Among the 65 nominees are former Aviation Minister Femi Fani-Kayode (Germany), presidential aide Reno Omokri (Mexico), former Katsina State Governor Lt Gen Abdulrahman Dambazzau (China), and Senator Jimoh Ibrahim (UN Permanent Representative).

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has so far only received agrément from the United Kingdom for High Commissioner-designate Aminu Dalhatu and from France for Amb Ayodele Oke, leaving the fate of the remaining 63 envoys uncertain.

The Independent National Electoral Commission has scheduled the next presidential election for January 16, 2027. Tinubu’s first tenure is set to conclude in May that year.

A highly-placed foreign service official had then disclosed, “The problem we have, which we are trying at the moment to see what we can do about, is that most countries, like India, will tell you that if an ambassador has less than one year or two, they may have issues.

“Usually, one year counts to the end of any current administration. So, that is where there might be a challenge. By the time they get the agrément, some of these ambassadors will have just a few months left.”

The official noted that some ambassadors may not commence their tours of duty until August 2026, which would leave them with barely nine months before the next election.

“Some people may not go before August because some countries will take their time to do background checks. When you send the name, sometimes they will respond, ‘Send someone else.’ And when you insist on asking why, they will give you their own report of their background checks. Or they may just ignore you for six months,” the official disclosed.

Under Article 4 of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, receiving states must grant consent before any ambassador can be accredited.

In an interview with our correspondent, Nigeria’s former envoy to Singapore, Amb Ogbole Amedu-Ode, said receiving states were only being pragmatic by considering Nigeria’s political calendar before accepting an envoy.

“The underlying word here is pragmatism. Those receiving states are just being pragmatic if they take that view because the next round of general elections is in a year from now, in February and March.

“The question is now about an envoy from a president who is facing an election in a year. Elections, no matter how we think we understand them, can go either way.

“So, why receive letters of credence from a principal envoy from a President who has just one year and some months remaining for his first term in office? So, they may dilly-dally in issuing an agrément,” Amedu-Ode said.

He described the administration’s delay in nominating ambassadors as a mistake.

“The mistake has been made by the current administration already because they shouldn’t have waited two to three years into their term before nomination, screening, and deployment of heads of missions.”

However, Nigeria’s former envoy to Algeria, Mohammed Mabdul, had noted that friendly nations were unlikely to reject Nigerian nominees outright but drew a distinction between career and political appointees.

“The political appointees are the problem. Once received and accredited, they are usually expected to remain for two to three years. But with the next election in just a year now, there is the possibility that they may start returning to participate in campaigns. So, they may not make any serious impact with their posting,” Mabdul stated.

The diplomatic impasse may further delay Tinubu’s last-ditch efforts to restore full ambassadorial representation abroad 27 months after he recalled all 83 career and non-career ambassadors in September 2023 and left the country’s 109 missions without substantive heads.

Since assuming office, the Tinubu administration has strengthened ties with India.

The President visited India in September 2023 to attend the G20 Summit in New Delhi as a guest nation, where he met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to discuss bilateral cooperation in defence, agriculture, trade, and investment.

Just over a year later, in November 2024, Modi made his first visit to Nigeria in 17 years, the first by an Indian prime minister since 2007.

During the two-day visit, the leaders signed Memoranda of Understanding on cultural exchange, customs cooperation, and survey cooperation, and discussed expanding the India-Nigeria Strategic Partnership established in 2007.

Tinubu bestowed upon Modi Nigeria’s second-highest national honour, the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, making him only the second foreign dignitary after Queen Elizabeth II to receive the award.

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