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Forgery, Fraud, and Failed Projects: Enugu PDP Tears Into Governor Peter Mbah’s Legacy

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As I reflect on the political development in Enugu, I can’t help but breathe a sigh of relief that the maladministration of Peter Mbah is gradually coming to an abrupt end. His tenancy at the lion building has been marked by a plethora of scandals and misdeeds that tainted our once respected state. In fact, the manner of his departure will underscore the gravity of his transgressions.

Mbah represents the very embodiment of what is wrong with politics in Nigeria, lofty promises dressed in forged credentials, corruption tied with ribbons of deceit, and a brazen commitment to personal enrichment at the expense of a people yearning for genuine leadership. Mbah’s NYSC discharge certificate, submitted to INEC, bore the date January 6, 2003. A simple document, or so it seemed. NYSC disclaimed it publicly. “We never issued this,” their director declared in court affidavits, tendering records showing Mbah had mobilized for service in 2001 but vanished midway for law school and his chief-of-staff gig. No completion, no exemption letter just a forged slip of paper, allegedly backdated and stamped with a ghost’s approval. Mbah himself had once begged the Inspector General to probe the certificate’s authenticity, only for the force to conclude it was fake.

Mbah’s political career was built on a foundation of forgery and corruption. He rose to prominence alongside Senator Chimaroke Nnamani, with whom he formed a questionable partnership. Their bond was forged in the fires of graft, and Enugu suffered as a result. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission had hounded Peter since his days as Commissioner of Finance under the iron-fisted Chimaroke Nnamani.

In 2007, Mbah’s name surfaced in a money laundering probe: N830 million siphoned from state contracts, funneled through his oil company, Pinnacle Oil and Gas. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) indicted him on 29 counts of forgery, money laundering, and obtaining money by false pretenses. He entered a plea bargain that saw charges dropped after he forfeited assets worth over ₦450 million.

But the looting didn’t stop with Nnamani’s exit. As governor, Mbah inherited the throne and crowned it with fresh scandals. The Enugu Smart Schools project, his flagship promise of “digital revolution” for the youth, became a monument to hubris. Launched with fanfare in 2024, the N5.7 billion initiative awarded to Sujimoto Luxury Construction, a flashy Lagos firm with ties to Abuja power brokers aimed to build tech havens across the 17 local governments. Solar panels, interactive boards, AI tutors: a Silicon Valley dream in the Coal City. Yet by mid-2025, the dream collapsed literally.

In Mpu Ward, a N1.3 billion structure, barely six months old, buckled under its own weight, walls cracking like eggshells, trapping a janitor who escaped with his life but lost his faith in government. Substandard materials, rushed contracts, kickbacks funneled back to Mbah’s allies: Chika uncovered emails from Sujimoto execs pleading for payment delays, only to be ghosted as funds vanished into “consultancy fees.”

Another site in Isi-Uzo was demolished by the state itself in July, the governor’s team blaming “sabotage” while locals whispered of embezzlement. In her story, Chika imagined the schools as hollow shells, ghosts of opportunity haunting empty classrooms, where children learned not code, but the bitter lesson of betrayal.

The smart school project that was loudly advertised as a leap into the digital future now stands as one of the most embarrassing failures of his tenure. Billions were trumpeted as investments into an educational revolution; yet, when one visits the so-called “smart schools,” what greets you is decay, incompletion, and in some cases, structures that exist only in PowerPoint presentations.

And then came the mother of all scandals: the looting and siphoning of Enugu State’s coffers to fatten his private oil business, Pinnacle Oil. This, more than any other revelation, tore the mask off Mbah’s pretenses. It was alleged that Peter Mbah brazenly moved ₦40 billion of the people’s money into his own business empire a staggering act of kleptocracy.

Under Peter Mbah’s watch, Enugu’s roads cracked under monsoon rains, fresh scandals erupted. billions of naira contract for the New Enugu City Mall went to Sujimoto, a Lagos firm whose CEO, Sujimoto Ogundele, admitted zero experience in such mega projects. No bidding, no transparency, just a handshake deal, whispers said, laced with kickbacks funneled back to Mbah’s inner circle.

“He conned us with fake water schemes,” fumed locals in Nsude, where a €45 million Paris Club water grant meant for reservoirs at Anugwu Amagu vanished into Bluetag Technologies’ coffers, leaving pipes dry and auditors indignant. Over ₦84 million unaccounted for, petitions flew to the Auditor-General, who indicted the state for “mismanagement and corrupt practices.”

Worse, the Enugu State College of Education Technical (ESCET) became a powder keg. Reports surfaced of ghost recruitments bloating payrolls, subventions ballooning from ₦200 million to ₦500 million monthly without justification. Mbah, cornered, struck a probe committee in October 2023, chaired by his education commissioner. “We will dig deep,” he vowed. But skeptics saw theater: the committee’s report, buried in bureaucracy, recommended “appropriate measures” that never materialized. Hotel Presidential’s ₦50 billion “renovation” followed suit uncompleted wings commissioned amid fanfare, funds allegedly siphoned to overseas accounts.

His legacy is not a legacy of roads, schools, or hospitals. It is a legacy of petitions, court cases, and growing distrust of government in Enugu. Whenever I think of him, I do not see a governor; I see an interloper who schemed his way into office with forged papers, looted with reckless abandon, and then expected history to treat him kindly.

Nigeria is about the power blocs that sustain individuals. Mbah was never a freestanding leader, and now that his sponsors have largely deserted him, his nakedness has been exposed. The PDP, which once embraced him, now views him as damaged goods. The APC, equally wary, understands that associating with him would poison their platform in Enugu. The reality is simple: Peter Mbah cannot secure a second-term ticket from either PDP or APC because he is politically orphaned. Without his godfathers, he is like a man stranded in the desert, searching desperately for an oasis that does not exist.

As an indigene of Enugu, watching this charade unfold has been painful but also enlightening. Painful, because it has cost us precious years of progress, leaving our youths disillusioned and our infrastructure in tatters. The future of Enugu cannot and must not be wasted again on men like Mbah, who confuse governance with personal business expansion and mistake leadership for an opportunity to loot the commonwealth.

As we move forward, let us remember the lessons learned from this period of alleged misrule. Let us resolve to elect leaders who will serve with honor, integrity, and a genuine commitment to the welfare of Enugu. The time for excuses is over. The time for reckoning is now. We deserve better, and we must actively work to achieve it. Thank God he has gone to where he belongs. Good rediance to bad rubbish.

©️ Nwobodo Chukwudi Darlington

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Xenophobic attacks: Nigerian lives should not be sacrificed for foreign investors — Oshiomhole

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The senator representing Edo North, Adams Oshiomhole, has defended his call for the nationalisation of MTN and other South African-owned companies operating in Nigeria, saying the country must prioritise the lives of its citizens over foreign investment.

He made the call on Tuesday during an interview on Arise News, where he reacted to renewed xenophobic attacks against Nigerians in South Africa.

Recall that Oshiomhole, speaking last week on the floor of the Senate, said Nigeria must respond firmly to protect its citizens, stressing reciprocity in international relations.

His words, “I am aware that MTN is quoted, and therefore Nigerian shareholders can hold on, but we take away the South African rights,” he said.

Oshiomhole further proposed that the FG could nationalise affected companies, including financial institutions, and later re-privatise them under Nigerian control.

“And because of the issue… you nationalise, and then you re-privatise it so that Nigerians can take it over, and the profit they are taking out of Nigeria will be retained here. There will be no South African share in it,” he added.

Oshiomhole also claimed that South African authorities only responded meaningfully after diplomatic pressure from Nigeria, though he did not provide evidence for the assertion.

“Thereafter, President Ramaphosa came out clearly to condemn the attack on Black people. He didn’t do that until I attacked his interests,” he said.

He insisted that human life must take priority over economic considerations, arguing that investment should not come at the cost of Nigerian lives.

“If anything leads to the death of Nigeria, what is the value of wealth to the dead? We don’t want investors who invest at the expense of human blood. Even in my poverty, I value my life,” he said.

“Life is more important; we don’t want investors who invest at the expense of human blood. If you need Nigerian blood to service and you don’t care about Nigerian human blood because you want to attract investors, even in my poverty, I value my life.”

The former governor linked his position to what he described as repeated attacks on Nigerians in South Africa, alleging that justice had not been served in previous incidents.

“When a country, for the first time, killed Nigerians, they got away with it. The second time, they killed Nigerians; they got away with it. Third time, they killed Nigerians; they got away with it,” he said.

He added, “Under Buhari, there was an agreement. They broke it. They are killing Nigerians. Nobody is in prison for murder, or extrajudicial murder.

“You are talking about law. Is there no law protecting the life of foreigners who live in your country? Even if they were there illegally, there are legal ways to repatriate them, to deport them,” he said.

 

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UK Exposes Russia’s Network Trafficking Nigerians To Fight In Ukraine

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The United Kingdom has taken widespread action and imposed sanctions against a shadowy network of traffickers, foreign recruiters and drone suppliers blamed for Moscow’s war in Ukraine and allegedly trafficking vulnerable Nigerians and other nationals to fight in Ukraine.

The UK government on Wednesday said 35 individuals and entities linked to what it described as a “barbaric pipeline” that lures desperate migrants with false promises, only to funnel them into frontline combat or forced labour in Russia’s expanding drone factories have been severely sanctioned.

UK officials noted that recruiters allegedly tied to the Russian have been targeting citizens from countries including Nigeria, Egypt, Iraq and Ivory Coast—offering jobs, education or migration pathways—but ultimately deploying victims to Ukraine under harsh, often deadly conditions.

The notorious Alabuga Start programme, is linked to a sanctioned Russian entity that allegedly channels foreign recruits into drone manufacturing hubs and reports said that in some instances vulnerable Nigerians and nationals of others countries unfortunate to be recruited are sent directly to the battlefield with little or no training and effectively used as “cannon fodder,” according to UK authorities.

“This is exploitation at its most brutal,” UK official Stephen Doughty said, describing the networks as both predatory and integral to sustaining Russia’s war effort. “We are exposing and dismantling the pipelines that traffic vulnerable people and feed illicit components into Putin’s drone factories.”

The sanctions also strike at the technological backbone of Russia’s escalating aerial assaults, a statement from the UK High Commission in Abuja said.

Among those listed is Pavel Nikitin, whose company produces the VT-40—one of the low-cost, mass-produced drones increasingly deployed in attacks across Ukrainian cities. The urgency of the action is underscored by a sharp escalation in drone warfare, the statement added.

In March 2026, Russia reportedly launched more than 200 drones per day—the highest rate since the war with Ukraine began—intensifying strikes on civilian areas and critical infrastructure. Security analysts warn that Moscow’s reliance on cheap, high-volume drone production has reshaped the battlefield and prolonged the conflict.

Nigerian authorities are reportedly disturbed over the alleged role of Polina Alexandrovna Azarnykh, identified as a central figure in coordinating the movement of foreign recruits into Russia before their deployment to Ukraine. British officials also said some of those recruited have already died.

British Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja Gill Lever confirmed that Nigerians have been directly affected, warning that the schemes deliberately prey on economic vulnerability.

“These sanctions shine a light on those exploiting innocent Nigerians to sustain an illegal war,” she said, noting that many victims were misled into believing they were securing legitimate opportunities abroad.

Her comments came about following recent warnings by Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which had warned Nigerian citizens against suspicious overseas job offers linked to the conflict.

 

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Court orders interim takeover of Sylva’s nine properties

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The Federal High Court in Abuja has ordered the interim forfeiture of nine properties linked to the former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, to the Federal Government.

Justice Obiora Egwuatu made the order after the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission counsel, Oluwaleke Atolagbe, moved an ex parte motion to the effect.

Our correspondent reports that though Justice Egwuatu delivered the ruling on April 24, the enrolled order was sighted on Wednesday, May 6.

The affected assets are located across high-value areas in Abuja.

They include four blocks of terraces at Dakibiyu; a duplex with penthouse and office complex at No. 3, Niger Street, MStreet; one standalone duplex at Villa 1, Unit 1, Palm Springs Estate, Mpape; and a block of flats with 10 units of flats at No. 8, Sefadu Street, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja.

Others are blocks of flats with six units of flats at No. 1, Mubi Close, Garki, Abuja; two blocks with 12 units of flats at Plot 1181, Thaba Tseka Crescent, Wuse II, Abuja; one standalone duplex at No. 18, Nile Lake, Plot 1271, Maitama, Abuja,

The ninth property is a two-block building, which is currently occupied by the National Information Technology Development Agency, and is located at No. 5, Aguta Street, Garki, Abuja.

The judge said: “It is hereby ordered as follows: An interim order of this honourable court is made forfeiting the properties listed in the schedule attached herein, being properties suspected to be proceeds of some unlawful activities pending the publication and hearing of the motion on notice for final forfeiture order of the said properties.

“An order of this honourable court is made directing the publication of the interim order under order (1) above for anyone who is interested in the property to appear before this honourable court to show cause within 14 days why the final order of forfeiture should not be made in favour of the Federal Government of Nigeria.”

Justice Egwuatu also granted the EFCC’s request that the publication of the order shall be made in any two of the following newspapers: Thisday, Guardian, PUNCH, Vanguard, Tribune or Independent Newspapers within seven days from the receipt of the certified true copy of the order.

The judge then adjourned the matter until May 25 for a report of compliance.

The commission had, in the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/607/2026, filed the application under provisions of the Advance Fee Fraud and Other Related Offences Act, 2006.

Moving the motion, Atolagbe sought an interim order, forfeiting the properties to the Federal Government pending the publication and hearing of the motion on notice for a final forfeiture order of the said properties.

He said the properties were suspected to be proceeds of some unlawful activities.

The lawyer urged the court to direct the anti-graft agency to make the publication of the order in any national newspaper for anyone who is interested in the properties to show cause within 14 days why the final order of forfeiture should not be made in favour of the Federal Government.

Our correspondent  reports that Sylva, a former governor of Bayelsa State, has also been mentioned in connection with an alleged failed coup plot against President Bola Tinubu, though he has not been formally charged in that case and is reportedly still at large.

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